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Editorial
The
French Disease, Redux
By Martin Harris
As
a predominantly blue county in a predominantly blue State, Addison is home
to a clear majority of households whose members eschew conservative publications.
Therefore, as a public service, I propose to describe briefly, in this
space, the contents of a recent commentary in one such publication, in
hopes (mostly futile, I’d guess, for the same reason) that they might find
it instructive. It’s Paul Steyn’s Gray Mountain State, and it ran
in the 7 December issue of The National Review. Perhaps the subject matter
–demographics in Vermont-- will attract perusal from those more-literate-than-average
modern-politics enthusiasts who have frequently been heard to declare "I
don’t read The Weekly Standard because I despise what’s in it" or "I never
watch Fox News because I despise what’s on it", statements which assert
a remarkable genetic or supernatural ability to gather and process unwanted
information in ineffable fourth-dimensional ways. Or not remarkable, considering
the century-old Progressive self-evaluation as the brightest and most competent
top 10% of the population, stoically bearing "the white man’s burden" (Progressive
Rudyard Kipling’s phrase) to govern, for their subjects’ well-being,
us the dumber and less-competent 90%, who aren’t even suitably grateful
and appreciative.
Public school enrollment
decline is the statistical lynchpin of the Steyn thesis that "Vermont is
getting proportionately more childless. Which is to say that, literally,
Vermont has no future". Readers already know the numbers: K-12 enrollment
down from 105K in 2000 to 93K in 2008, with projected further decline to
below 90K by 2014. He also recites a middle-class out-migration stat –"the
number of young adults fell by 20% in the Dean years"-- and continues
in the Douglas years, as economist Art Woolf has documented, factoids similarly
well-known to County voter/taxpayers/selective-readers, who have already
grasped the underlying related notion, the remarkable propensity of career-enhancement-seeking
middle-class households, when pursuing better economic opportunity elsewhere,
to take their children with them when they flee.
A month earlier there was
a "France on the Hudson" piece in the (similarly not socially-acceptable
in important Addison County venues) Weekly Standard which described a parallel
middle-class exodus and ensuing morphing of the Big Apple into a two-tier
socio-political structure with a well-above-median-income upper class and
a subsidized/dependent underclass cooperating to dominate the ballot box
and set governance and spending policy. In a bright-red pull-quote the
editors deploy this: "When asked to define the [New York City] middle-class,
[Mayor] Michael Bloomberg offered up only one specific group: ‘municipal
workers, 300,000 of them’." In the article itself, authors Fred and
Harry Siegel recite the stats: "the average City worker receives $107K/year
in salary and benefits, while the median annual salary for New York families
is $50K". That’s a remarkable but unmentioned parallel to the Vermont situation
deplored by the Rutland Herald in a 17 November editorial entitled "The
Ruling Class?". Nor do the authors recite the Gallic-reference source,
a series of Wall Street Journal articles and commentary, years ago, which
described French governance as dominated by the abnormally-large numbers
of government employees and income-re-distribution recipients, and called
the phenomenon "the French Disease". Vermont, with a ratio of government-employees-to-total-population
which is usually #1 or 2 in an all-State ranking in year-to-year studies,
can legitimately be similarly labeled, something your scribe has occasionally
done in this space, always identified as "redux" (a little press-room Latin
lingo, there).
They do recite the Brookings
Institution stat documenting "NYC second only to LA with the second-smallest
share of middle-income families in the nation…" while defining the middle
class as "…the people who are leaving", a demographic pattern which Vermont
author Fred Jaegels, writing from his cabin-in-the-woods in Cabot, described
a quarter-century ago as Vermont’s obvious-even-then emerging two-tier
socio-political structure. He got no source footnote from the Siegels either.
Similarly, Steyn in Cassandra
mode devoted no ink in his no-future argument to society survival via continuous
recruiting and in-migration, as demonstrated by such institutions as the
Church hierarchy and pre-modern high-death-rate cities, interesting subjects
in their own right. Dramatic declarations that a State has "no future"
are refuted by retiree-dominated counties across the US, where continuing
in-migration of passive-income types –-pensioners, bond-coupon-clippers,
and trust-funders-- quite readily makes up for zero-natural-increase, even
when accompanied by out-migration of active-income types. It’s when the
passive-income types decide that the governance environment has become
repugnant, and pack to flee, that a prediction like Steyn’s can come true.
Sinclair Lewis’ 1935 book, "It Can’t Happen Here", is not the final word
on the subject.
Martin Harris is a former
Chairman of Citizens for Property Rights
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