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Editorial
I’m
Smarter Than You. Just Ask Me.
By Martin Harris
Since
this is an opinion column, here’s my opinion: I find the self-declared
moral and intellectual superiority of the gentry-left even more distasteful
than their political philosophies.
There are, after all, historical
precedents for various forms of communal social organization, actual and
proposed, with the supposedly best and brightest in charge, ranging from
the New Testament to the medieval Scandinavian kingdoms, from Periclean
Greece to 19th century American Shakers, and they are least
rationally arguable as alternates to the sometimes awkward mix of republic
and democracy to which we currently pay lip service. As we’ve seen in Vermont
in recent decades, the new gentry-left brooks no such rational discussion
as was, once upon a now-gone time, standard practice at Town Meeting or
public hearing; now, if you disagree, you’re the enemy to be hooted down
and booed, silenced by jeering or ad hominem attack.
In previous readings on the
Progressive movement, that late-19th century political reform
movement which started out under Republican auspices but gradually moved
leftward, I’d garnered the impression that it was the founders and early
joiners, from Wisconsin’s Governor LaFollette to Vermont’s education-theorist
Dewey, who first articulated the idea that, for modern American governance
to work even better than the late-18th-century Constitution-writers
ever hoped, and to achieve this noble goal, the opinions (and votes) of
the less-well-educated and-endowed masses had to be counted for less than
the more enlightened judgments of their intellectual superiors. Somewhere
I had read that it was the underlying Progressive thesis that it was, indeed,
the duty and obligation of the Nation’s brightest 10 percent to guide the
remaining 90 percent, better than they, with limited cognitive abilities,
could do for themselves. You get some flavor of this basic Progressive
attitude from the famous quote of that famous English author (and sometime
Vermont resident, down Brattleboro way) Rudyard Kipling who wrote about
"the white man’s burden" to go forth and civilize less-well-equipped peoples
everywhere.
Now, in going back through
histories of the Progressive movement, the best source I’ve so far been
able to find comes through the writings of one Samuel Hays, prolific author
and former University of Pittsburgh academic. You can wade through such
of his books as "The Response to Industrialism, 1885-1914" looking for
trenchant quotes, but I found a better-distilled source in the Hays section
of David Kennedy’s "Progressivism, The Critical Issues" in which you can
find such observations as this one ( page 95) wherein he writes that "the
[Progressive] movement for reform in municipal government therefore constituted
an attempt by upper-class, advanced professional, and large business groups
to take formal political power from the previously-dominant lower- and
middle-class elements so that they might advance their own conceptions
of desirable public policy."
A century or so later, this
same description could easily be applied to Vermont’s gentry-left demand
for control over everything from nuclear power (minimize it) to public
education (maximize it), from capital investment in private-sector housing
and commercial growth (minimize it) to personnel investment in advocacy
groups, affordable housing, land-use control, and an ever-growing spectrum
of environmental initiatives.
It’s historically interesting
that only a few decades after the initially-somewhat-conservative Progressives
articulated this "governance by the best and brightest" doctrine, it was
seized upon by the Russian Bolsheviks of the 1920’s, who wrote and spoke
of "the Bolshevik Party as the vanguard of the proletariat, that small
group that could understand the interests of the proletariat better than
the workers themselves, that would seize power in their name, then would
help them to achieve their own "class consciousness" while creating a society
that was just and suitable for them", as described by historian Fredreick
Kagan of the American Enterprise Institute.
Does this historical retro-glance
help explain modern gentry-left political behavior in such States as Washington,
Wisconsin, Massachusetts, and, of course, Vermont? You decide.
Martin Harris is a former
Chairman of Citizens for Property Rights
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