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Editorial
REVIEW:
Two Vermonts -- Geography and Identity, 1865 -1910, by Paul
M. Searls, University Press of New England for UNH Press, Hanover, NH,
2006
By Bruce Shields
Many people involved in support
of traditional land based occupations, sports, and recreations have been
puzzled by the apparent contempt poured on our activities by many otherwise
very charming Vermonters. For example, advocates of Wilderness in
Vermont claim that totally excluding human activity is the only way to
allow the environment to recover from centuries of disastrous mismanagement
by our own and all previous generations of Vermont users of the land.
Yet when our farmers, loggers, and hunters search their activities over
their own and their forefathers’ lifetimes, the alleged mismanagement never
surfaces.
Rural folk have long recognized
that this perception varies by the background of the viewer: a person trained
on farm or in the woods understands resource management in a particular
way; a person of a more urban or suburban training has a wholly different
perception. For the past half century, rural people have pejoratively
classed persons with the non-rural viewpoint as "flatlanders." During
Peter Smith’s second race for Vermont’s Congressional seat, a very deep
issue among rural people was whether -- even though he was a Vermont native
-- Smith was a flatlander. Many rural people concluded that he was,
and since that left a race between two flatlanders, simply declined to
mark their ballots.
Searls, a teacher in the
History Department at University of Vermont, documents how the present
division between town and country took shape in Vermont in the half century
following the Civil War. He uses a terminology found in writings
of the time to distinguish two viewpoints: uphill and downhill. Downhill
encompasses many of the characteristics carried in the current term flatlander.
Uphill -- not precisely a geographical reference, but bearing some
sense of that -- refers to both the inhabitants of the primarily agricultural
hill towns and to the world view borne by those folk. He very briefly
sets that division as reflecting the antebellum division of Vermont politics
into Federalist and Jeffersonian parties. Briefly united by the Civil
War, the division resurfaced almost as soon as the troops returned home.
The downhill group viewed
themselves as bearing the flag of progress, and viewed the uphill folk
as ignorant, stubborn, hidebound, and wanton destroyers of the abundant
resources they should have been stewards of. The uphill people viewed
the downhill group as arrogant, caring only for money, and determined to
destroy the uphill way of life. The downhill group identified district
schools (as opposed to consolidated regional schools) as the cause of uphill
backwardness, and attempted for the entire period Searls reviews to pass
a law requiring each town to consist of just one school district, achieved
in the middle of his review period. The effort to carve villages
out of the towns also peaked then: the village government was thus removed
from the baneful influence of the uphill farmers who supposedly opposed
every element of modern life.
Searls chronicles how the
downhill group formed economic development associations to bring in industrial
development, create larger towns with a wide array of public amenities,
create institutions such as colleges and universities, and spread railways
throughout the state. The uphill group fought to keep an agricultural
component at University of Vermont, to maintain local control over taxation,
and curb the influence of national corporations in such areas as railway
and industrial development. When, by 1900, it became apparent that
large scale industrial development was simply never going to happen, the
downhill group began to embrace tourism as a way to boost economic activity.
Already by 1895, development groups began to claim that tourism was Vermont’s
#2 industry, soon to be #1. This is a claim which has been repeated
endlessly down to the present.
To their horror, the downhillers
found that wealthy tourists and vacation home buyers were attracted precisely
by the lack of modernity among uphillers which the downhill so deplored.
Part of the solution was to get wealthy out of state people to buy farms
and operate them as demonstration sites. William S. Webb’s operation
at Shelburne Farms, which he created using his wife’s Vanderbilt inheritance
to buy up 35 small farms in a block, was widely viewed as providing a model
for Vermonters to follow. Eventually, the touristic downhillers embraced
the pastoral Vermont of the hill farms as the image to use to promote Vermont
development. The magazine, The Vermonter, founded about
1900, was the vehicle of that promotion -- and eventually turned into Vermont
Life still published under auspices of the Vermont Agency of Development,
and still promoting to out of staters the arcadian vision of Vermont uphillers.
Searls should be credited
for careful research into the publications of the period in disclosing
the issue of two Vermonts. He had far less working material to present
the viewpoint of the uphill folks, whose viewpoint emerges primarily from
letters to the editor and in private writings. Downhill folks directed
the university, the newspapers, provided almost every candidate for statewide
office, and directed the State agencies in charge of economic development.
Uphill folks served as members of the Legislature, primarily in the House.
Before the Supreme Court reorganized Vermont on downhill terms in the 1960’s,
the House was controlled by the uphill, the Senate and Governor’s office
the downhill view. The downhill folks had to perform a remarkable
mental gymnastic, to glorify for financial gain the traditions they thought
in their hearts doomed Vermont to mediocrity.
This division has obvious
implications for the Vermont Traditions Coalition, the Farm Bureau, the
Forest Products Association, and for all of our traditional users.
Searls gives us no solutions, but more sharply defines our world than any
other piece of writing I have seen in 25 years.
Bruce Shields has retired
from three professions; college English teacher, sawmiller and executive
of the Vermont Forest Products Association, and operator of a farm supply
store. In retirement, he works his woodlot and maple sugar place,
sits on the boards of several statewide organizations related to natural
resources, and serves as Lister in the town of Eden, VT.
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