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Editorial
LULU
By Martin Harris
There
are two definitions for "lulu" in the Webster’s Dictionary: one is the
Civil-War-era meaning of "any remarkable or outstanding person or
thing" and the other is the Depression-era meaning of "a fixed allowance
paid to a legislator in lieu of reimbursement for actual expenses". There
should be a third: in the current planning and zoning context it means
a Locally Unwanted Land Use. Recent LULU’s have been a Home Depot in Montpelier,
a Staples in Middlebury, and a McDonald’s in Ferrisburgh. There are occasionally
LALU’s and DULU’s for which the prime example is the Yankee nuclear plant
in Vernon, welcomed at the time of construction by the locals, but more
recently the object of get-it-outta-there efforts in the State Capitol.
"Admired" and "Distantly" are the relevant verb and (somewhat contrived)
adverb.
Typically, a LULU situation
arises when a land-owner proposes a specific use for which his property
has been zoned, only to have a highly-vocal opposition demand that "we
don’t care what the land is zoned for, we don’t want it". Thus, in Manchester
a few years back, opposition to a motel proposal (on land zoned for motels)
arose because the specific applicant has a number in its trade-name and
was therefore considered insufficiently up-scale by the opposition. In
Randolph last year, single-family-home-owners in an area zoned for multi-family
since the early ‘80’s (all of them had knowingly bought in under the present
zoning) rose in protest against an actual multi-family proposal, which,
they argued, would down-scale the neighborhood and damage the views. In
both cases, the opposition succeeded, even though their success violated
the previously-taken-for-granted zoning-as-of-right principle, wherein
a proposal meeting all the published requirements for a given zone can’t
be denied a permit. Not any more. Heck, even the State planning bureaucracy
won’t stand up for zoning-as-of-right.
In the semantic world of
P & Z language, before there were LULU’s there were "Windfalls and
Wipe-outs". That was back when planners and zoners actually worried
about drawing zoning lines –between residential and commercial, for example—which
would create an instant land-value gain on one side of the line and an
equally instant value loss on the other side, and there were lots of studies
on theories for capturing some of the value artificially created on one
side and reimbursing to the losers on the other side. That was when zoning
was first introduced. Now zoning is almost everywhere, and half of the
W & W problem has returned in a new form, the reduction in property
value which occurs when a previously-permitted level of development is
suddenly no longer permissible, as a result of either a formal up-zoning
(think ridge-line protection in, say, Pomfret) or an informal citizen demand
(think the current anti-McDonald’s furor in Ferrisburgh).
"If regulation goes too far
it will be recognized as a taking", wrote SCOTUS Justice Oliver Wendell
Holmes in the 1922 Pennsylvania Coal Co. v. Mahon case, creating a legal
basis for the notion that zoning regulations could actually create some
indeterminate level of windfalls and wipe-outs without compensation-to-owners.
His un-Constitutionally vague pronouncement went pretty much unchallenged
until recently, when land-owners began re-reading the Fifth Amendment and
demanding that, if zoning changes caused them a value loss, they were entitled
to reimbursement by government. Surprisingly, it became reality in blue-State
Oregon, where a Measure 7 was approved by voters in 2004 and then rejected
by the State Supreme Court, presented again as Measure 37, and is now State
law. Earlier, the Federal Supreme Court had come to the same conclusion,
deciding in 1987 that even a 6-month delay in construction permit approval
was a Fifth Amendment "taking" of the owner’s use of his land, and therefore
entitled to compensation. Read it for yourself in "First English Evangelical
Church v. Los Angeles County".
So far this recent national
trend in judicial precedent has had little effect on local groups in Vermont,
usually self-styled as "Friends of…" whatever they want left un-disturbed,
who have been typically successful in their strategy of causing an applicant
enough difficulty for him to go away. Even so, the folks who want permitting
to be decided, not by a voter-approved statute but by their own, presumably
superior, case-by-case subjective decision, may need to be cautious. Present
opposition to a permissible business use in south Ferrisburgh may end up
like the recent opposition to a permissible residential use in north Ferrisburgh,
with a court judgment for damages levied against the "Friends".
Martin Harris is a former
Chairman of Citizens for Property Rights
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