| Editorial
Incandescent
Unpopularities
By John McClaughry
It
has fallen to Gov. Jim Douglas to present to the 2009 legislature a budget
proposal replete with incandescent unpopularities.
It's not that Gov. Douglas
is some kind of hard-hearted Scrooge, who revels in human suffering. Nor
is he a notable subscriber to President Reagan's 1981 inaugural declaration
that "government is not the solution to our problems; government is the
problem." Far from it.
But there is no doubt that
Vermont's state government faces a serious budget problem. Already the
administration has made severe cuts in the FY2009 budget, ending this June.
In the approaching FY2010, the General Fund, compared to a year ago, faces
a revenue shortfall of $152 million. That will produce a budget gap of
over $200 million.
The governor clearly understands
that our demands and expectations for government have outrun the money
available to pay for them. He also recognizes that a Congressional bailout
of unknown size and form will not resolve the problem.
Perhaps the most politically
unpopular belt-tightening proposal - in the sense that highly organized
interest groups will rise up against it - is reducing state government
employment by some 600 positions. That's easy to say, and it's easy to
calculate the savings ($17 million).
What is not so easy to determine
is whether the work that those 600 employees are doing will no longer be
done at all, or whether it will be distributed among the surviving state
employees on top of their present workload. If the latter, there will be
consequences: unplowed highways, even lengthier permit delays, untested
water supplies, waiting lines, closed offices.
Equally unpopular with the
state's environmental movement will be his proposed one-year suspension
of conservation purchases ($4 million) by the Housing and Conservation
Board. The Board has been making conservation purchases - beginning with
a loon preserve in Newark - since 1989. After twenty years most people
will probably be content to give this activity a rest for a year - or more.
For the first time in many
years a Governor has pried open the Pandora's Box of spending through the
state's captive nonprofit human service organizations. The home health,
developmental disability, planned parenthood, and mental health service
monopolies have for years contrived to expand their own budgets, militantly
stifled competition, and provided very "robust compensation packages" (the
governor's phrase) to their executives. They have also built up a powerful
political force.
The governor wants a "comprehensive
package to rein in property taxes." How this will be achieved while transferring
some $40 million of teachers' retirement costs to the Education Fund, and
freezing the annual General Fund contribution to that Fund, is not at all
clear. His message did not include a proposal for forcing spending controls
on local school districts, an idea that, whatever its merits, would lower
the coffin of "local control of education" into an already beckoning grave.
The governor declaims against
raising "broad based taxes that can be avoided": income, gasoline, and
property taxes. But upon close examination his budget exhibits numerous
tax increases. Unless there is some as yet undisclosed magic money pot,
property taxes will have to increase to fill the proposed hole in the Education
Fund. The Governor opposes raising the gas tax, which is long overdue,
but wants to institute a new "infrastructure investment fee" on vehicle
registrations paid only by Vermont motorists. The employment security tax
will have to increase to replenish the depleted employment security trust
fund.
And then there is the surprising
call, amid all the reductions, to increase preschool spending. This, he
says, will assure that "more children arrive at kindergarten ready to learn".
Only three years before, the governor had observed that "adding two more
grades to the already stressed K-12 education system" would be "an unacceptable
outcome". In addition, he wants to increase spending for higher education,
where many believe that the costs are running well beyond the benefits,
many if not most of which are exported when new graduates seek employment.
Is there a game changer in
this menu of fiscal remedies? One modest possibility is the governor's
call for creating a Health Savings Account-eligible Catamount Health policy.
The liberals dominant in the legislature adamantly reject high deductible
coverage coupled to tax-free HSAs as "not even insurance".
By that they apparently mean
that such consumer-driven health plans threaten their hoped-for march toward
the government-run, taxpayer-financed single payer health care system of
their dreams. And they probably do. The Governor's HSA proposal heads the
opposite direction.
All in all, Gov. Douglas
has done the best he could to deal with an enormous problem under very
trying circumstances, almost totally not of his making. Now the political
combat will begin, and as usual, focused special interest groups are likely
to fare better in it than ordinary citizens and taxpayers.
John McClaughry is President
of the Ethan Allen Institute.
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